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While the potential benefits of artificial intelligence are significant and far-reaching, AI’s potential dangers to the global order necessitates an astute governance and policy-making approach, panelists said at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI) on May 23.

An alumni event at the Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Policy (MIP) program featured a panel discussion on “The Impact of AI on the Global Order.” Participants included Anja Manuel, Jared Dunnmon, David Lobell, and Nathaniel Persily. The moderator was Francis Fukuyama, Olivier Nomellini senior fellow at FSI and director of the master’s program.

Manuel, an affiliate at FSI’s Center for International Security and Cooperation and executive director of the Aspen Strategy Group, said that what “artificial intelligence is starting to already do is it creates superpowers in the way it intersects with other technologies.”

An alumna of the MIP program, Manuel noted an experiment a year ago in Switzerland where researchers asked an AI tool to come up with new nerve agents – and it did very rapidly, 40,000 of them. On the subject of strategic nuclear deterrence, AI capabilities may upend existing policy approaches. Though about 30 countries have voluntarily signed up to follow governance standards in how AI would be used in military conflicts, the future is unclear.

“I worry a lot,” said Manuel, noting that AI-controlled fighter jets will likely be more effective than human-piloted craft. “There is a huge incentive to escalate and to let the AI do more and more and more of the fighting, and I think the U.S. government is thinking it through very carefully.”
 


AI amplifies the abilities of all good and bad actors in the system to achieve all the same goals they’ve always had.
Nathaniel Persily
Co-director of the Cyber Policy Center


Geopolitical Competition


Dunnmon, a CISAC affiliate and senior advisor to the director of the Defense Innovation Unit, spoke about the “holistic geopolitical competition” among world powers in the AI realm as these systems offer “unprecedented speed and unprecedented scale.”

“Within that security lens, there’s actually competition across the entirety of the technical AI stack,” he said.

Dunnmon said an underlying security question involves whether a given AI software is running on top of libraries that are sourced from Western companies then if software is being built on top of an underlying library stack owned by state enterprises. “That’s a different world.”

He said that “countries are competing for data, and it’s becoming a battlefield of geopolitical competition.”

Societal, Environmental Implications


Lobell, a senior fellow at FSI and the director of the Center for Food Security and the Environment, said his biggest concern is about how AI might change the functioning of societies as well as possible bioterrorism.

“Any environment issue is basically a collective action problem, and you need well-functioning societies with good governance and political institutions, and if that crumbles, I don’t think we have much hope.”

On the positive aspects of AI, he said the combination of AI and synthetic biology and gene editing are starting to produce much faster production cycles of agricultural products, new breeds of animals, and novel foods. One company found how to make a good substitute for milk if pineapple, cabbage and other ingredients are used.

Lobell said that AI can understand which ships are actually illegally capturing seafood, and then they can trace that back to where they eventually offload such cargo. In addition, AI can help create deforestation-free supply chains, and AI mounted on farm tractors can help reduce 90% of the chemicals being used that pose environmental risks.

“There’s clear tangible progress being made with these technologies in the realm of the environment, and we can continue to build on that,” he added.
 


Countries are competing for data, and it’s becoming a battlefield of geopolitical competition.
Jared Dunnmon
Affiiate at the Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC)


AI and Democracy


Persily, a senior fellow and co-director of FSI’s Cyber Policy Center, said, “AI amplifies the abilities of all good and bad actors in the system to achieve all the same goals they’ve always had.”

He noted, “AI is not social media,” even though it can interact with social media. Persily said AI is so much more pervasive and significant than a given platform such as Facebook. Problems arise in the areas of privacy, antitrust, bias and disinformation, but AI issues are “characteristically different” than social media.

“One of the ways that AI is different than social media is the fact that they are open-source tools. We need to think about this in a little bit of a different way, which is that it is not just a few companies that can be regulated on closed systems,” Persily said.

As a result, AI tools are available to all of us, he said. “There is the possibility that some of the benefits of AI could be realized more globally,” but there are also risks. For example, in the year and a half since OpenAI released ChatGPT, which is open sourced, child pornography has multiplied on the Internet.

“The democratization of AI will lead to fundamental challenges to establish legacy infrastructure for the governance of the propagation of content,” Persily said.

Balance of AI Power


Fukuyama pointed out that an AI lab at Stanford could not afford leading-edge technology, yet countries such as the U.S. and China have deeper resources to fund AI endeavors.

“This is something obviously that people are worried about,” he said, “whether these two countries are going to dominate the AI race and the AI world and disadvantage everybody.”

Manuel said that most of AI is now operating with voluntary governance – “patchwork” – and that dangerous things involving AI can be done now. “In the end, we’re going to have to adopt a negotiation and an arms control approach to the national security side of this.” 

Lobell said that while it might seem universities can’t stay up to speed with industry, people have shown they can reproduce those models’ performances just days after their releases.
 


In the end, we’re going to have to adopt a negotiation and an arms control approach to the national security side of this.
Anja Manuel
Affiiate at the Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC)


On regulation — the European Union is currently weighing legislation — Persily said it would be difficult to enforce regulations and interpret risk assessments, so what is needed is a “transparency regime” and an infrastructure so civil entities have a clear view on what models are being released – yet this will be complex.

“I don’t think we even really understand what a sophisticated, full-on AI audit of these systems would look like,” he said.

Dunnmon suggested that an AI governance entity could be created that’s similar to how the U.S. Food and Drug Agency reviews pharmaceuticals before release.

In terms of AI and military conflicts, he spoke about the need for AI and humans to understand the rewards and risks involved, and in the case of the latter, how the risk compares to the “next best option.”

“How do you communicate that risk, how do you assess that risk, and how do you make sure the right person with the right equities and the right understanding of those risks is making that risk trade-off decision?” he asked.



The Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Policy program was established in 1982 to provide students with the knowledge and skills necessary to analyze and address complex global challenges in a rapidly changing world, and to prepare the next generation of leaders for public and private sector careers in international policymaking and implementation.

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At a gathering for alumni, the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy program hosted four experts to discuss the ramifications of AI on global security, the environment, and political systems.

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Encina Commons, 123
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Ayça Alemdaroğlu is the Associate Director of the Program on Turkey and a Research Scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. She is also a Global Fellow at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO). As a political sociologist, Ayça explores social and political inequalities and changes in Turkey and the Middle East.

Previously, she was an Assistant Professor of Sociology and the Associate Director of the Keyman Modern Turkish Studies Program at Northwestern University. 

She received her Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Cambridge, her MA in political science from Bilkent University, and her BSc. degrees in political science and sociology from the Middle East Technical University. 

She serves on the editorial committee of the Middle East Report. 

Associate Director, Program on Turkey
Ayça Alemdaroğlu
Yektan Turkyilmaz
Ali Yaycıoğlu
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CDDRL Honors Student, 2024-25
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Major: Data Science
Hometown: Washington, D.C.
Thesis Advisor: Larry Diamond

Tentative Thesis Title: The Impact of Prospective NATO Membership on Democratic Quality in Aspiring Nations

Future aspirations post-Stanford: I’d like to find ways to combine my interest in data science with my interest in strengthening democracy and democratic norms.

A fun fact about yourself: My main form of exercise is boxing!

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CDDRL Honors Student, 2024-25
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Major: Economics
Minor: Human Rights
Hometown: Hyattsville, Maryland
Thesis Advisor: Beatriz Magaloni

Tentative Thesis Title: Rightward Attitudinal Shifts in Post-Dictatorship Democracies: A Chilean Case Study

Future aspirations post-Stanford: Following Stanford, my long-term goal is to pursue public interest law. However, I plan on taking a few years between graduating and starting law school to pursue a Master's in Economics or another closely related field.

A fun fact about yourself: I did musical theatre for ten years and was in three different productions of "Annie."

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CDDRL Honors Student, 2024-25
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Major: International Relations
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Tentative Thesis Title: Atrocity Denial and State Formation in the Balkans

Future aspirations post-Stanford: Maybe a PhD? Maybe international law? Maybe writing? Suggestions welcome.

A fun fact about yourself: I put pomegranate molasses in 90% of the dishes I cook.

RA, 2023 Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program
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CDDRL Honors Student, 2024-25
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Major: Public Policy
Hometown: Carnation, Washington
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Future aspirations post-Stanford: I could see a lot of paths forward from here. Heading to law school, working as a legislative aide, running for local office, and fleeing from modernity to a cabin in the wilderness are all ideas I'm currently considering.

A fun fact about yourself: I design games. If you're a nerd like me and you like the sound of fighting giant monsters, check out Trail of the Behemoth on DriveThruRPG!

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Lawyers represent a significant threat to the integrity of the U.S. sanctions regime. This report analyzes that threat in the context of Russia’s aggressive war against Ukraine. Sanctions, particularly individual sanctions, are a central weapon in the United States’ national security arsenal. This report recommends that Congress, federal agencies, and state bar associations implement a comprehensive regulatory regime for lawyers engaging in certain transactional work to ensure U.S. lawyers are no longer enablers of sanctions evasion.

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This report begins with a description of the problem: oligarchic wealth, how that wealth supports Putin’s regime, and how U.S. lawyers enable sanctions evasion (Part I). It then gives an overview of the current regulatory landscape (Part II). Next, it presents how six other countries regulate lawyers as potential enablers of sanctions evasion and other crimes, including money laundering (Part III). Finally, it proposes a comprehensive legislative and regulatory regime to solve the lawyers-as-enablers problem (Part IV).

About the Law and Policy Lab

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Georgia's president, Salome Zourabichvili, vetoed the Parliament's contentious anti-foreign agent law, but called her act "symbolic," as the majority Georgian Dream party promised to override the veto at their next session. This talk explores Georgia's democratic aspirations within the context of the law, dissecting its potential ramifications for civil society, political freedoms, and Georgia's European integration ambitions.

Professor Kathryn Stoner, who was awarded an honorary doctorate from Iliad State University, Tbilisi, Republic of Georgia in 2016, will discuss the politics and complexities of the recent law and its implications for Georgia's future.


Kathryn Stoner is the Mosbacher Director of the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), and a Senior Fellow at CDDRL and the Center on International Security and Cooperation at FSI. From 2017 to 2021, she served as FSI's Deputy Director. She is Professor of Political Science (by courtesy) at Stanford and she teaches in the Department of Political Science, and in the Program on International Relations, as well as in the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy Program. She is also a Senior Fellow (by courtesy) at the Hoover Institution.

Prior to coming to Stanford in 2004, she was on the faculty at Princeton University for nine years, jointly appointed to the Department of Politics and the Princeton School for International and Public Affairs (formerly the Woodrow Wilson School). At Princeton she received the Ralph O. Glendinning Preceptorship awarded to outstanding junior faculty. She also served as a Visiting Associate Professor of Political Science at Columbia University, and an Assistant Professor of Political Science at McGill University. She has held fellowships at Harvard University as well as the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, DC.

In addition to many articles and book chapters on contemporary Russia, she is the author or co-editor of six books: "Transitions to Democracy: A Comparative Perspective," written and edited with Michael A. McFaul (Johns Hopkins 2013);  "Autocracy and Democracy in the Post-Communist World," co-edited with Valerie Bunce and Michael A. McFaul (Cambridge, 2010);  "Resisting the State: Reform and Retrenchment in Post-Soviet Russia" (Cambridge, 2006); "After the Collapse of Communism: Comparative Lessons of Transitions" (Cambridge, 2004), coedited with Michael McFaul; and "Local Heroes: The Political Economy of Russian Regional" Governance (Princeton, 1997); and "Russia Resurrected: Its Power and Purpose in a New Global Order" (Oxford University Press, 2021).

She received a BA (1988) and MA (1989) in Political Science from the University of Toronto, and a PhD in Government from Harvard University (1995). In 2016 she was awarded an honorary doctorate from Iliad State University, Tbilisi, Republic of Georgia.

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In a new PBS docuseries, Alice Siu sheds light on how Deliberative Polling has been used to bridge divides among participants and what the future of democracy could look like when empathetic conversations take center stage.

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A burgeoning literature considers the domestic causes and consequences of democratic backsliding for public perceptions of democracy but has yet to fully examine the role of international factors in explaining these perceptions. Specifically, the effect of democratic backsliding in one democracy on public support for democratic principles in other countries has, thus far, defied theoretical and empirical investigation. Addressing this gap, we propose and test a theory of the effects of backsliding on global opinion in which information about democratic decline in one country can lead to increased support for authoritarian governance in another country. To test this, we use an original survey experiment in Israel where we test the effect of two narratives regarding the 2020 U.S. elections—one signaling democratic decline and one signaling democratic resilience—on support for authoritarian governance. We find that respondents exposed to the narrative of U.S. democratic decline were more supportive of authoritarian governance compared to respondents exposed to the narrative of democratic resilience. We further find marginal evidence that the respondents’ ideological preferences condition the effect of narrative exposure. Our findings suggest that the democratic backsliding literature has insufficiently explored the global consequences of domestic events and processes on democratic decline worldwide.

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