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Soft Power and U.S.-China Competition

One thing the Trump administration has identified correctly and managed to get consensus on, says Chinese military and security expert Oriana Skylar Mastro, is that the United States is in a great-power competition with China. Biden now accepts this framework, and Mastro expects him to maintain the basic principles of U.S. Asia policy, such as strategic ambiguity and ensuring Taiwan’s defense through arms sales. The difference will be in Biden’s approach, which is based on “multilateralism, strengthening partnerships, and not trying to provoke Beijing for the sake of provoking Beijing.” This approach, believes Mastro, is going to improve the U.S. position in terms of competition.

A core component of the U.S.-China great-power competition, however, is soft power — the ability of countries to get what they want through persuasion or attraction in the form of culture, values, and policies. Soft power, argues Mastro, is an area that is very hard for a president to have control over and rebuild, and American soft power has taken a tremendous hit with the breach of the U.S. Capitol on January 6. Demonstrating the decline of American democracy, the scenes from the pro-Trump mob attack have been a win for China and are hardly encouraging for U.S. partners and allies.

Biden can do a lot to tackle U.S. domestic problems and improve the political image of America abroad. But soft power, concludes Mastro, is organic. “I fear that President-elect Biden is going to learn that soft power, once lost, is very difficult to regain.”

The U.S.-Japan Alliance and Security in the Asia-Pacific

In shifting to relations between the United States and Japan, Kiyoteru Tsutsui focuses on how the traditional aspects of the Japan-U.S. alliance are playing out in the current geopolitical theater. In Tsutsui’s view, Japan’s early brushes with Chinese might in the 2010s has left the country particularly keen on ensuring that a strong counterbalance exists to China’s strategic advantage.

To that end, Japan has proactively partnered with other nations on trade deals such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The fact that both of these major free trade agreements were concluded without U.S. involvement is significant, and whether President Biden makes any response will be “one the more closely watched issues among foreign policy experts in the coming years,” by Tsutsui’s measure.

The reemergence of ‘the Quad,’ and even discussions of a ‘Quad+’ that includes nations such as South Korea, is of particular interest to Tsutsui. Such groups provide additional avenues for further developing the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ strategy originally envisioned by Prime Minister Abe. But Tsutsui is also not opposed to the idea of engaging China directly in multilateral efforts as long as China understands the U.S. and Japan’s resolve in countering Chinese aggression and non-peaceful ambitions.

The Korean Peninsula in the Spotlight

When it comes to engagement on the Korean peninsula, Gi-Wook Shin hopes the new administration will avoid a reactionary response and backsliding into old habits. The temptation to respond with an “anything but Trump’s” approach to handling relations with North Korea may be strong, particularly given the president’s unusually forward relationship with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, but Shin counsels to not set aside everything Trump did in regards to the DPRK.

“Bringing North Korea and Kim Jong Un more into the international community was an important step that no other president has made,” he says. Shin strongly cautions against a return to the strategic patience typical of the Obama era. With Kim’s consolidated control and North Korea’s wielding far more advanced nuclear capabilities and significantly strengthened ties to China than it did eight years ago, a return to previous patterns of diplomacy would fail to address the present circumstances on the Korean peninsula. Shin urges the Biden administration to reemphasize human rights and deepening dialogues with its diplomatic counterparts in Seoul. He foresees an improvement in U.S.-ROK relations but warns that North Korea can be a source of tension between the two allies.

Opportunities for Allies in Southeast Asia

Donald Emmerson also recommends strengthening diplomatic ties to the nations of Southeast Asia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). By his assessment, “ASEAN needs creativity. It needs new ideas rather than simply following the path of least resistance.” Emmerson envisions this well-spring of creativity coming in part from robust new efforts by the United States to engage with the region diplomatically and academically.

Existing forums such as the Bali Democracy Forum can provide a ready-made platform for engagement, while active participation in gatherings such as the Global Town Hall organized earlier this year by the Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia (FPCI) provide easy opportunities for the United States to meaningfully engage with Southeast Asia.

An Outlook on the Broader Asia-Pacific

Closing out the panel’s remarks, Thomas Fingar offers measured optimism for the future. “I think the incoming U.S. approach to the countries in Asia, China included, is going to be pragmatic and instrumental, not transactional. Every nation who thinks they can contribute, does contribute, and is willing to play by a rules-based order can be part of the solution.”

Fingar expects the Biden administration’s foreign policy to be “focused on problems, not places” — to be driven less by particular animosity or affection for certain countries and more by addressing global issues that promote American interests, such as climate change, the impediments in the international system to advancing American economy, and preserving security.

By consensus, the incoming Biden administration’s most immediate concerns are overwhelmingly domestic. But as Mastro articulated, the effects of the United States’ domestic policies directly impact its perception, standing, and sphere of influence around the globe.

Effective relationships between the United States and the Asia-Pacific cannot be sustained in the long term with an ongoing ‘America first’ agenda or by pursuing zero-sum goals. Rather, the Biden administration must focus on finding solutions to multilateral needs by working side-by-side with Asian nations as co-sponsors and co-leaders.

This op-ed by Oriana Skylar Mastro and Zack Cooper originally appeared in Australian Financial Review.

Australia’s trials are not the first time Beijing has used economic coercion against another country.

It has become so common that we are becoming desensitised to it. Some notable examples include Beijing’s limitations on rare earth exports to Japan in 2010, Norwegian fish exports in 2010, Philippine tropic fruit exports in 2012, Vietnam’s tourist industry in 2014, Mongolian commodities trade in 2016, and South Korean businesses in 2017. In each case, Beijing sought to achieve a political objective by imposing economic penalties.

This case is different. Beijing has typically been ambiguous about the purpose or nature of its coercive economic statecraft. Despite evidence otherwise, it blamed the Japanese ban on meeting a yearly quota, the Philippine ban on pesticide exposure, the tourism drop to Vietnam on changing Chinese preferences, and the closure of South Korean stores on fire code violations. In Australia’s case, though, Beijing is doing away with these pretenses.

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China has not been shy this time about connecting its punitive actions to its unhappiness with Australian policies. The Chinese foreign ministry has listed a “series of wrong moves” by Australia for the disruption in relations. Beijing’s embassy in Canberra then gave a list of 14 “mistakes” to the Australian press.

These grievances include Australia’s foreign interference legislation, foreign investment reviews, funding for Australian think tanks, and unfriendly media reporting. Some of these criticisms are particularly ironic coming from Beijing, which often objects to foreign interference in other countries’ domestic affairs.

A core component of China’s strategy is a disinformation and propaganda effort designed to paint its moves as merely defensive, a proportionate and legitimate response to actions taken by the other side.

Australia has done nothing ‘wrong’

Let’s be clear: Australia has done nothing “wrong” in promoting and protecting its democratic institutions at home. It should not censor its media, obstruct analysis by outside experts, or shy away from safeguarding its democratic processes.

This time, the current trade restrictions are about more than making an example of Australia or showing smaller powers that they’ll pay if they have something to say about how the Chinese Communist Party governs at home. Beijing’s aims have taken on new proportions. Party leaders are now willing to punish democracies simply for upholding basic democratic principles within their own countries.

The message is clear: curtail some of your democratic principles or pay the price.

The US needs to work with like-minded states around the world to address this new threat. Free countries need to speak out together in Australia’s defence. If democracies do not hang together, they will hang separately. We should articulate that China’s actions are more than a violation of international law; they threaten the health of our democracies at home. Such a reframing would show Beijing that economic coercion will no longer be treated as a low-stakes tactic.

But words are not enough. We need coordinated action. US alliances are designed primarily to deter and defend against military attacks. Chinese actions make clear, however, that there are alternative methods for undermining peace, prosperity and freedom that our alliances do not adequately address. New alliance consultations to protect against economic attack would enhance our deterrence against China.

Washington should also launch a series of discussions with its allies to determine what new institutional mechanisms, commitments, and structures are needed to defend against economic attacks, not just military ones.

We should ensure the ability to take joint reciprocal action against Beijing in the economic realm, particularly to defend smaller countries. China engages in economic coercion because it is effective and relatively risk-free. But if instead like-minded countries responded together when one was attacked economically, this would go a long way in discouraging Beijing from employing such tactics.

Using all the tools of power

A critical first step is mapping dependencies on China and investigating how to limit over-dependence that open democracies to unacceptable economic vulnerability. As in the military realm, we need to enhance our resiliency against attack by avoiding over-dependence on any single import, export, or supply chain decency. This is a task that the so-called D10 (G7 plus Australia, India, and South Korea) should take up early next year.

The good news is a collective response to Chinese economic coercion will be more feasible under a Biden administration. President-elect Joe Biden and his senior advisers have articulated a preference for multilateral responses to Chinese aggression.

And while President Donald Trump relied mainly on military moves to warn and punish Beijing, Biden’s team prefers to make use of all tools of power. For these reasons, there has even been talk of rejuvenating past efforts like TPP. US allies and partners are also likely to see Biden as more reliable, making them more willing to undertake the risky venture of joining forces against Beijing.

The United States, Australia, and other allies and partners tried to welcome China into the international community. This was the right move. It has been good economically for many advanced economies, including Australia and the United States. But there is a flip side to every coin.

Australia has become too vulnerable to the whims of Beijing. And the US has few options to protect against such economic pressure. The incoming Biden administration needs to fundamentally rethink the nature of alliances so that countries like Australia have a third option the next time Beijing forces a choice between freedom and prosperity.

Statement in Support of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR)

[The following statement was issued by a group of scholars and human rights advocates in support of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, which currently faces an escalating crackdown by authorities with the arrest of three of its senior personnel, including its executive director. If you wish to add your name to the statement, you can do so via the following link.]

We, the undersigned scholars and human rights advocates, express our deep concern at the escalating crackdown that Egyptian authorities have launched against civil society organizations in recent days. In an unprecedented move, on November 15 security forces arrested Mr. Mohamed Basheer, the administrative manager of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), one of the most prominent and reputable civil society organizations in Egypt. Despite strong international condemnation of that action, on November 18 authorities arrested Mr. Karim Ennarah, the director of the criminal justice unit at EIPR, while launching a vicious campaign against EIPR in state-owned media and leveling false accusations against its personnel. A day later, authorities arrested EIPR Executive Director Mr. Gasser Abdel-Razek. They also leveled terrorism-related charges against Mr. Ennarah and Mr. Basheer, adding their names to a legal case that includes numerous human rights advocates. 

Most concerning is that this escalation comes after EIPR hosted senior diplomats from 14 countries, including Canada, the UK, Norway, several European Union (EU) member states, as well as the EU delegation to discuss the implications of the outcome of the United States elections for the human rights situation in Egypt. We call on the Egyptian government to immediately release EIPR's personnel and halt all politically motivated investigations against civil society organizations in the country.

Signatories*

Nancy Okail, Stanford University

Joshua Stacher, Kent State University

Danny Postel, Northwestern University

Lisa Hajjar, University of California - Santa Barbara

Omar Dahi, Hampshire College

Robert Springborg, Naval Postgraduate School (ret)

Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College and the Graduate Center, CUNY

Jennifer Derr, University of California, Santa Cruz

Rochelle Davis, Georgetown University

Elliott Colla, Georgetown University

Joel Gordon, University of Arkansas

Joel Beinin, Stanford University

Marietje Schaake, Stanford University

Rim Naguib, EUME fellow, Forum Transregionale Studien, Berlin

Chris Toensing, International Crisis Group

Ted Swedenburg, University of Arkansas

Wendy Pearlman, Northwestern University

Larry J Diamond, Hoover Institution, Stanford University

Will Hanley, Florida State University

Amy Hawthorne, Project on Middle East Democracy

Fadi Awad Elsaid, University of Connecticut

Vickie Langohr , College of the Holy Cross

Ahmed Ezzat, University of Cambridge

Sherene R Seikaly, University of California, Santa Barbara

Iman Mersal, University of Alberta - Canada

Gennaro Gervasio, Roma Tre University, Rome

Enrico De Angelis, Independent Researcher

Kenza Rady    

Owain Lawson, Columbia University

Michele Dunne, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Atef Said, University of Illinois at Chicago

Omar Cheta, Bard College

Pascale Ghazaleh, The American University in Cairo

Hanny Megally, NYU

Nicola Melis, University of Cagliari, Sardinia

Paola Rivetti, Dublin City University

Brecht De Smet, Ghent University

Francesca Biancani, Bologna University

Seppe Malfait, Ghent University

Nicola Perugini, University of Edinburgh

Alessandra Marchi, Università Cagliari

Koenraad Bogaert, Ghent University

Lucia Sorbera, The University of Sydney, NSW

Patrizia Manduchi, University of Cagliari (Italy)

John T Chalcraft, LSE

Soraya El Kahlaoui, Ghent University

Khaled Fahmy, Cambridge University

Nejla Lyons, Independent human rights researcher

Mamdouh Habashi, Socialist People's Alliance Party

Daniela Pioppi, University of Naples 'L'Orientale'

Iain Chambers, University of Naples, 'Orientale'

Ray Bush, University of Leeds

Heba Youssef, University of Brighton

Nicola Pratt, University of Warwick, UK

Magda Adly, Nadim center for rehabilitation of victims of violence

Hussein Baoumi, Amnesty International

Suzan Abd El Moty Fayyad, El Nadim Center

Ibrahim Seyam           

Saerom Han, University of Aberdeen

Amel Fahmy, TADWEIN

Aziz Barkaoui, Amnesty-France

Mohamad Najem, SMEX

Nihad Aboud  

Samir Khattab, Researcher

Pinar E. Donmez, De Montfort University

Mohamed Mokhtar, Human rights defender ( ECRF)

Hassan Ali, متطوعون من أجل حقوق الإنسان

Steven Heydemann, Smith College

Sara Abughazal, Regional Coordinator

Agnieszka Paczynska, George Mason University

Asmaa Elmalky           

Lynn Darwich, University of Illinois at Chicago

Mohammad El Taher, Researcher and Technologist

Lorenzo Feltrin, University of Warwick

Gilbert Achcar, SOAS, University of London

Dina Matar, SOAS

Marco Lauri, Università di Macerata

Feyzi Ismail, SOAS University of London

Deniz Kandiyoti, School of Oriental and African Studies

Ziad Elmarsafy, King's College London

Barbara Pizziconi, SOAS, University of london

Dr Vanja Hamzić, SOAS University of London

Lynn Welchman, SOAS, University of London

Mohamed Noby, Lawyer

Bashir Abu-Manneh, University of Kent

Salwa Ismail, SOAS

Ramy Yaacoub, The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy

Veronica Ferreri, ZMO Berlin

Jens Lerche, SOAS, University of London

Rahul Rao, SOAS University of London

Andrea Teti, University of Aberdeen

John Faulkner, Administrator (retired)

Anne Alexander, University of Cambridge

Shreeta Lakhani, SOAS

Francesco De Lellis, Centro Studi sull'Africa Contemporanea - Università L'Orientale Napoli

Akansha Mehta, Goldsmiths, University of London

Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Loughborough University

Myrsini Manney-Kalogera, University of Arizona

Kim Rochette, Save the Children

Rima Majed, American University of Beirut

Aleksandra Zaytseva, Georgetown University

Ryota Jonen, World Movement for Democracy

Chiara Pagano, Università di Pavia

Paul Sedra, Simon Fraser University

Tarek Masoud, Private citizen

Christopher Hitchcock, ACRPS

Juan Cole, University of Michigan

Feyzi Ismail, SOAS University of London

Zachary Lockman, New York University

Yasmin Elsouda, SOAS University of London 

Dalia Ghanem, University of California, Davis

Charlie Lawrie, Johns Hopkins SAIS

Sophie Chamas, SOAS, University of London

Kerem Nisancioglu, SOAS University of London 

Jo Tomkinson, SOAS, University of London

Imran Jamal, SOAS

Saffo Papantonopoulou, University of Arizona

Suad Joseph, University of California, Davis

Fayrouz Yousfi, Gent University 

Abdulrahman El-Taliawi, University College London

Anthony Alessandrini, City University of New York

Yair Wallach, SOAS

Huseyin Silman, GLOPOL

Alfredo Saad Filho, King's College London

Sami Zemni, Ghent University 

Maher Hamoud, Ghent University

Omar Jabary Salamanca, ULB

Sharan Grewal, College of William & Mary

Michael Chamberlin, Human Rights Defender in Mexico

Mattia Giampaolo, CeSPI

Liliana Toledo Guzmán, University of Arizona

Keith Cook, University of Arizona

Ifigeneia Mourelatou, UCL

Katharina Grüneisl, Durham University

Zoe Basiouri, Aristotle University

Hani Sayed, American University in Cairo

Jason Brownlee, University of Texas at Austin

Charles W. Dunne, Arab Center Washington DC

Francis Fukuyama, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University

Jessica Winegar, Northwestern University

Michael Michaelides, University of Florida 

Catherine Jenkins, SOAS, University of London

Muhammad Ebaid, The Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF)

Aleś Łahviniec, European Humanities University, Lithuania-Belarus

Sarah Rifky, MIT

Aymen Zaghdoudi, ARTICLE 19

Tania Kaiser, SOAS

Chenjia Xu, SOAS

Miriam Gastélum, UCL

Lars Peter Laamann, SOAS, University of London

Alessandra Mezzadri, SOAS

Andrew Newsham, SOAS, University of London 

Myat Ko Ko, Yangon School of Political Science

Mayur Suresh, SOAS, University of London

Frances Grahl, SOAS

Sadek Hamid, Independent Academic

Andrea Cornwall, SOAS

Judith E. Tucker, Georgetown University

Georges Khalil, EUME, Forum Transregionale Studien Berlin

William Aceves, California Western School of Law

Karima Laachir, Australian National University 

Aida Seif El Dawla, El Nadim Center

Ruba Salih, SOAS 

Shereif Elroubi

Hadi Enayat, SOAS

Karen Rignall, University of Kentucky

Ahmed Gad, Amnesty International 

Taher Mokhtar, Medical Doctor 

Hassan Osman , University of Minya

Vivienne Matthies-Boon, University of Amsterdam

Sigrid Vertommen, Ghent University

Frances Grahl, SOAS

Rebeca Robertson, SOAS

Alla Kos, Responsible AI

Mahfouz Eltaweel       

Peter Hill, Northumbria University, Newcastle-upon-Tyne

Ahmed Naji, BMI

Ahmed Abbes, CNRS, Paris, France

Kholoud Saber Barakat, Catholic University of Louvain (UCLouvain)

Assaf Kfoury, Boston University

Reda Eldanbouki, Women's Center for Guidance and Legal Awareness 

Mona Hamed Imam, El Nadeem Center

Tania Tribe, SOAS

Sherif Azer, University of York, UK 

Omnia El Shakry, University of California, Davis

Manjeet Ramgotra, SOAS University of London

Boris Kilgarriff, SOAS

Mohamef Lotfy, Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms

Lorenzo Casini, University of Messina

Yousra Hassenien       

Christian Achrainer, Philipps University Marburg

Sara Mohani, Journalist

Michael McFaul, Stanford University

Abbas Milani, Stanford University

Karina Sarmiento

Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN)

Nathan Grubman, Stanford University

Azza Soliman, Lawyer

Jacqueline Charretier, Human rights defender

Mohammad Hossam Fadel, University of Toronto Faculty of Law

Necla Tschirgi, Kroc School of Peace Studies, University of San Diego

Elisa Massimino, Georgetown University Law Center

Stuart Schaar, Brooklyn College, CUNY

Alya Khemakhem, USC

Daniel Marwecki, University of Hong Kong

Brad Fox, The Graduate Center, CUNY

Karim Reda, ناشط سياسي و مدون مستقل

Dolores Soto

Irene Gendzier , Boston University (Prof. Emeritus)

Basma El Husseiny

Ahmed Ramy, Egyptian Pharmaceutical Syndicate

Sherif Gamal, IT Specialist 

Ahmed Melad, Lawyer

Khaled Mansour, Independent Consultant

Richard Falk, Queen Mary University London

Wagdy Abdel Aziz, مركز الجنوب لحقوق الانسان

Laila Soueif, Cairo University

Matt Gordner, University of Toronto

Emad Shahin, Academic 

Khalda Yassin, Egyptian citizen

Céline Cantat, Sciences Po Paris 

Ahmed Said, ECRF

Ismail Ammar, Student

Amr Tajuddin, Egyptian citizen 

Giovanni Piazzese, Freelance journalist and Ph.D. researcher 

Lamia Radi, Journalist 

Sameh Elbarky, Alaraby Aljadeed newspaper

Magda Boutros, Brown University

Céline Lebrun Shaath, Harvard Kennedy School of Government 

Riya Al'sanah, Who Profits Research Center 

Nesting Badawi, The American University in Cairo

Nadia Kamel    

Shaimaa El-Banna, Committee for Justice 

Zoé Carle, Université Paris 8

ahmed altigani, IRFC

Ali Hegazy, Royal College of Obstetricians & Gynecologists

Hakim Abdelnaeem, Artist

Khaled Sobhy

Tanya Monforte, McGill University

Emma Frampton, SOAS

Nathalie Bernard-Maugiron, Institut de Recherche pour le Développement

Jens Hanssen, University of Toronto

Manar Tantawie, استاذ بمعهد هندسي خاص

Dee Smythe, Centre for Law & Society, University of Cape Town

Manar Mohsen           

Ranjit Singh, University of Mary Washington

Vasuki Nesiah, New York University

Pascal Menoret, Brandeis University

Mona Khneisser, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign 

Yasser Munif, Emerson College

Corinna Mullin , CUNY

Alice Finden, SOAS

Alfredo Ortiz Aragón, University of the Incarnate Word

Amira Abdelhamid, University of Sussex

Magdi El Gawhary       

Daniel Watson, University of Sussex

Maha Alaswad, Georgetown University 

Andrea Brock, University of Sussex

Hani Faris, University of British Columbia, Canada

Noam Chomsky, University of Arizona

Saghar Sara, Collaborative Social Change

Ziad Abu-Rish, Bard College

Sarah El-Kazaz, SOAS

Sara Kermanian, University of Sussex

Heather Allansdottir, University of Bifrost

Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex

Adam Ramadan, University of Birmingham

Karem Yehia, Journalist freelance

M. Abbas Yongacoglu, University of Ottawa (Emeritus Professor)

Liliane Daoud, Journalist 

Rossella Merullo, Humboldt University

Juan M. Amaya-Castro, Universidad de los Andes (Bogotá - Colombia)

Beth Baron, CUNY

Dina Fergani, University of Toronto 

David Kramer, FIU

Ghayth Omar, Alnasser and Partners

Lori Allen, SOAS University of London

Azzah Ahmed, UCLA

Derek Ludovici , City University of New York

Farah Al Shami, Arab Reform Initiative

Rosemary Sayigh, American University of Beirut

Muhammad Ali Khalidi, City University of New York - Graduate Center

Mohammed Mostafa, Intersection Association for Rights and Freedoms 

Ali Ugurlu, Columbia University

Wafaa Hefny, Professor of English Literature

Lamis al Nakkash, Cairo University 

Nadje Al-Ali, Brown University

Yezid Sayigh, Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center

Patrizia Manduchi, University of Cagliari

Daniela Potenza, Università degli studi di Napoli "L'Orientale"

Giulia Cimini, University of Bologna 

Brendan O’Duffy, Queen Mary University of London

Alessandro Buontempo, Università Statale di Milano

Tony Outang, SOAS 

Sophie Chapman, SOAS

Chiara Cascino, University of Naples "L'Orientale", Italy

Teodora Boanches, SOAS

Caterina Roggero, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca

Laura Vale, SOAS

Martina Biondi, University of Perugia

Felix Henson, SOAS

Caitlin Callies, SOAS

Fez Endalaust, SOAS, University of London

Charlotte Paule, SOAS 

Hanna Uihlein, SOAS University of London

Emily Bayliss, SOAS

Lauren Feechan, SOAS

Giuseppe Acconcia, Padova University

Matthew Holt

Faiz Sheikh, University of Sussex

James White, SOAS, University of London

Yusra Siddique

Lucy Roberts, SOAS

Leona Li, SOAS, University of London

Amory Lumumba, SOAS

Virginia Ruosi, SOAS

Amanda Kutch, SOAS 

Luisa Hausleithner, SOAS

Jack McGinn, London School of Economics

Alessandro Cane, SOAS

Ottilia Mackerle, SOAS

Ishrat Sanjida, SOAS

Flora Butler, SOAS

Max La Fosse, SOAS

Callum Cafferty, SOAS University of London

June Derz, SOAS

Doris Duhennois, SOAS

KP Sarvaiya, SOAS

Madhubanti Bhaduri, School of Oriental and African Studies 

Debora Del Pistoia, Amnesty International 

Sarah Zellner, University of Oxford 

Laura Janicka, SOAS

Liana Parry, SOAS

Ella Spencer, SOAS

Clara Kristola Truc, SOAS

Oliver Hampden, SOAS

Evangelin Dupret, SOAS

Sara Bertotti, SOAS University of London

Alada Taylor, SOAS

Aoife Delaney, SOAS

Hazel Ke, SOAS

Sophie Snook, SOAS

Alexander Curtis, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS)

Lachlan Kenneally, SOAS

Sara Birch, Brighton University, UK 

Gabrielle Nuttall, SOAS

Sascha Gill, SOAS, University of London

Filippo Angeli, SOAS

Renata Rouvinen, SOAS 

Ruth George    

Joseph Edwards, SOAS

Muhsin Chang, SOAS

Emmy Toulson , SOAS

Margot Chesne, SOAS 

Holly Haynes, SOAS

Georgia Jones, SOAS

Maliha Sohail, SOAS

Sascha Kröger, SOAS

Silvia Sanchez, SOAS

Joshua Young, SOAS

Anna Etter       

Rebekka Muth, SOAS

Chao Ping Yi, SOAS

Cristina Stanescu, SOAS

Raimond Christian Dasalla, SOAS

Daisy Webster-Kincaid, SOAS

Hisham Parchment, SOAS, University of London

Anthea Frank, SOAS

Martina Censi, Università di Bergamo

Lucy Mair, Garden Court North Chambers

Malina Mihaiu, SOAS

Olivia Smith, SOAS

Polina Volkova, SOAS University of London

Kay Zhang       

Julia Llaurado, SOAS

Yukari Ishii, SOAS 

Alessandro Gatti Bonati          

Lornelle Gayle-Harris, SOAS

Gaelle Poncelet, SOAS

Helena Buckley, SOAS

William Tod, SOAS

Mario Arulthas, SOAS

Taher Saad

Judith Heimbach, SOAS

Chelsea Krajcik, SOAS

Tanzidah Islam, SOAS

Ilyas Saliba, WZB Berlin Social Science Center 

John Peterson, SOAS

Lyna Belmekki, SOAS

Francesco Vacchiano, University Ca' Foscari, Venice

Aaron G. Jakes, The New School

Joshua Ong, SOAS 

Emmy Toulson, SOAS

Alex Schumann, SOAS

Caitlin Pether, SOAS 

Jamie Corson, SOAS

Noah Lepawsky           

Nayeema Rahman, SOAS

Katherine Saunders, SOAS, University of London 

Ioana Ille, SOAS

Taha Metwally, Founder, ANKH association

Nijmi Edres, Georg-Eckert-Institut für internationale Schulbuchforschung

Serena Tolino, University of Bern

Lutz Oette, Centre for Human Rights Law, SOAS, University of London

Samia Bano, SOAS University of London 

Laura Hammond, SOAS University of London

Sinan Antoon, New York University

Richard Alexander, SOAS University of London

Isabel Toledo Guzmán, Secretaría de Educación Pública SEP

Andrew Antoine, SOAS University

Michael Reinsborough, School of Oriental and African Studies

Jeffery Lin, PEN Hong Kong, Univ. of Hong Kong Cultural Leadership Youth Academy

Thabo Huntgeburth, SOAS

Nadine Wassef, Ain Shams University 

Ilyas Saliba, WZB Berlin Social Science Center 

Ceri Gibbons, Researcher

Dishan Abrahams, SOAS

Laura Bier, Georgia Tech

Veli Yadirgi, SOAS

Genevieve Ladd, SOAS

Daphne Muscat, SOAS, University of London

Hannah Abbott, SOAS University

Sasha Hubbard, SOAS

Zaeema Ali, SOAS

Shamita Ray, SOAS

Ilaria Bertocchini, SOAS

Alexandria Pilides, SOAS

Viktor da Silva, SOAS 

Alaina Hall, SOAS 

Tanja Tabbara, Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung

Raffaele Cattedra, Università di Cagliari

Jingfei Zhang, SOAS

Clive Rosewarne, Latrobe University

Ugo GRAGNOLATI, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Natasha Kaluzynski, SOAS

Naila Awwad, Women Against Violence

Rani Jana, SOAS University of London

Catriona Drew, School of Law, SOAS University of London 

Samuel Smith-Stanley, SOAS

Sarah Guennoun, SOAS

Maya Shukla, SOAS

Rosa Lynch-Northover, SOAS

Laurence Davis, University College Cork

Sarah Irving, Edge Hill University

Neve Gordon, Queen Mary University of London

Charles Melville, Pembroke College Cambridge

Sara Salem, LSE

Richard Tapper, SOAS University of London (Emeritus Professor)

Eugene Rogan, University of Oxford

Michael Mason, London School of Economics and Political Science

Hilary Kilpatrick, Independent scholar

Hendrik Kraetzschmar, University of Leeds

Catherine Cobham, University of St Andrews

Birgit Poopuu, Tallinn University

Lewis Turner, Newcastle University

Anthony Gorman, University of Edinburgh

Rayane Anser, University of Warwick- Department of Politics and International Studies

Alessia Carnevale, Sapienza University of Rome

Shelagh Weir, Former British Museum

Mona Baker, University of Manchester

Sharri Plonski, Queen Mary University of London

Jorgen Nielsen, University of Birmingham

Guy Burton, Vesalius College

Sherry Dawoud           

James Godfrey, Birkbeck, University of London

James Dickins, University of Leeds

Marilyn Booth, University of Oxford

Matthew Hedges, Durham University

Hoda Mohieldin, Cairo university 

Celestine Hanssens, SOAS

Mandy Turner, University of Manchester, UK

Wafaa Farhat, SOAS

Laure Guirguis, Aarhus University, Denmark

Cecilia Martinez, SOAS UNIVERSITY

Cıgdem Balım, Indiana University (Emerita)

Nadim Houry, Arab Reform Initiative

Jeremy Wildeman, uOttawa

Line Khatib, McGill

Irene Fernández-Molina, University of Exeter

Emmy Toulson, SOAS

Vicky Blake, UCU

Georgia Hunt, SOAS

Celia Kerslake, University of Oxford

Daniel Vitkus, University of California, San Diego

Miray Philips, University of Minnesota

Antonino Adamo, CNR

Antonio Pezzano, Università di Napoli "L'Orientale"

Eve Caplowe, SOAS

Gunvor Mejdell, University of Oslo

Lord John Alderdice, Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford

Noemie Bachellerie, SOAS

Sami Zubaida, Birkbeck, University of London

Mark Ayyash, Mount Royal University

David Wearing, University of Southampton

Nurcin Ileri, Forum Transregionale Studien, EUME Program

Bonnie Bates, Carleton University

Mariam Iskajyan, SOAS Development Studies

Marta Bellingreri, Independent researcher 

Nick Riemer, University of Sydney

Sandra Nicholls, SOAS

Nathalie Bernard-Maugiron, Institut de recherche pour le développement

Youssef Mohieldin, University Professor 

Jacob Høigilt, University of Oslo

Sana Tannoury-Karam, Forum Transregionale Studien

Anni Vendelin, SOAS

Kaoutar Ghilani, University of Oxford

Sophie Abramovici, SOAS

Karim El Taki, University of Cambridge

Leo Zeilig, University of London 

Maria Sussex, University of Sussex

Zoe Peppitt, SOAS

Jonathan Purkis, Independent academic and freelance consultant

Nicole Crisp, University of Arizona 

Loes Debuysere, Ghent University

Leila Schneps, CNRS France

Nachoua Azhari, Freelance translator. 

Kathleen Ryou             

Kelly McBride, IFRC Psychosocial Centre 

Sergey Shpectorov, University of Birmingham, UK

Frances S. Hasso, Duke University

Barry Simon, Caltech

Ophélie Mercier, Ghent University

Hesham Sabry, Qadreen Egypt

Dina El Henawy, Qadreen

Omar Sedky

Mehdi Labzaé, Maison des Sciences de l'Homme

Paul Grassin, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne 

Garth Frankland, Leeds Left Unity

Mathilde Zederman, Sciences Po Toulouse

Marianne Saddier, Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Bjørn Olav Utvik, University of Oslo

Katerina Dalacoura, LSE

Dominique Maliesky, Sciences Po Rennes

Giuseppe Restifo, Independent Historian Researcher

Nils A. Butenschøn, Norwegian Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of Oslo

Ece Onderoglu Bayazit, SOAS

Dubois Simon, IFPO

Karim Eid-Sabbagh, Independent Researcher

Owoh Henry, SOAS

Ben Radley, University of Bath

Genevieve Ladd, SOAS

Agnès Aubry, University of Lausanne

Adele Oliver, SOAS

Ricarda Ameling, FU Berlin

Elliot Shirnia, SOAS

Aderemi Medupin, CEE Coalition

Hyaah Chowdhury, SOAS Student 

Azzah Ahmed, UCLA

Laura Moreno Vela

*Institutional affiliations listed for identification purposes only