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Historically, improvements in the quality of municipal drinking water made important contributions to mortality decline in wealthy countries. However, water disinfection often does not produce equivalent benefits in developing countries today. We investigate this puzzle by analyzing an abrupt, large-scale municipal water disinfection program in Mexico in 1991 that increased the share of Mexico’s population receiving chlorinated water from 55% to 85% within six months. We find that on average, the program was associated with a 37 to 48% decline in diarrheal disease deaths among children (over 23,000 averted deaths per year) and was highly cost-effective (about $1,310 per life year saved). However, we also find evidence that age (degradation) of water pipes and lack of complementary sanitation infrastructure play important roles in attenuating these benefits. Countervailing behavioral responses, although present, appear to be less important.

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National Bureau of Economic Research
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Sonia R. Bhalotra
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Alberto Diaz-Cayeros
Grant Miller
Grant Miller
Alfonso Miranda
Atheendar S. Venkataramani
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“We found that when the government came to arrest or kill the leaders of the drug cartels . . . the structure of crime became disorganized and often made things worse because the leaders of the drug cartels had some capacity to control their armed soldiers. When the [federal police] removed them, they created these short-term spikes in violence that resulted from drug-trafficking gangs fighting each other for turf or for leadership of their criminal organization” says Beatriz Magaloni, Director of the Poverty and Governance Project a CDDRL/FSI Senior Fellow for Stanford Magazine. Read the whole article here.

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Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
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Mexico and US: Trump vs Facts infographic

The infographic shows the claims presidential candidate Donald Trump made during the first debate versus facts. For the big picture, click here

OPINION:

By now it should be clear that Donald Trump has not paid federal taxes, probably for many years, hence his reticence to publicly release his income tax returns. This infographic was prepared after the first presidential debate, to provide some back-of-the-envelope calculations of taxes paid by Mexicans in the United States, both documented and undocumented.

Those taxes contribute to the U.S. economy and to the many services, such as schools, clinics and infrastructure that we all enjoy. The infographic also highlights that all evidence suggests NAFTA had a very small (but positive) impact on the U.S. economy and that a repeal of the North American Free Trade Agreement would disrupt millions of U.S. jobs that depend on trade with Mexico. Abandoning NAFTA would have cataclysmic effects on the Mexican economy, only adding to migratory pressures. It could even threaten U.S. security by pushing young unemployed Mexicans into illegal activities, such as drug trafficking.

Finally, the infographic highlights one additional element of the presidential debate that received relatively little scrutiny. This relates to the way taxes are in Europe and Latin America using a Value Added Tax (VAT), instead of the system in the United States that depends on state and local sales taxes. American companies are not taxed by Mexico in any protectionist manner. The functioning of VAT is somewhat complex, because it involves paying the tax at the point of sale, but also deducing any taxes paid. VAT rules are what allow American tourists visiting Europe to get a refund on the taxes they paid on the merchandise they take home. Perhaps due to ignorance regarding how VAT collection works, the false asseveration by Trump went largely unchallenged in public debate.

Citizens around the world are concerned about the efficient use of taxes and the likelihood of waste and possible corruption in government spending. A basic premise of living in a political community is that all of us have an obligation to contribute our fair share. We may disagree about what that fair share might be, and whether the rich should pay more than the poor. But there is no question that the Mexicans whom the Republican candidate intends to deport, as well as those legal residents and citizens, contribute far more to our nation than he does. According to many news reports, Trump has not paid federal taxes nor has he contributed personal funds to the charities supported by his foundation. His philosophy regarding solidarity toward others seems to have been expressed quite explicitly during the first debate:

"But I take advantage of the laws of the nation because I am running the company. My obligation right now is to do well for myself, my family, my employees, for my companies."

I believe that anyone running for public service, and the most powerful office in the world, simply cannot make a statement like that. Public servants should not look for the loopholes in the laws, but be held to a higher standard that follows the spirit of the law. Tax codes are created to ensure that all of us contribute to the greater good. Someone running for the presidency of the United States should aim higher than just doing well for his family and private interests.

A U.S. president has obligations toward the people of his nation, before himself or his family. Presidential responsibilities (moral or otherwise) should extend to U.S. allies, such as  Mexico, and perhaps even to all the inhabitants of the world. Someone who lies, cheats on his taxes, and does not care for others is simply not fit to become the next President of the United States.

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Poverty relief programs are shaped by politics. The particular design that social programs take is, to a large extent, determined by the existing institutional constraints and politicians' imperative to win elections. The "Political Logic of Poverty Relief" places elections and institutional design at the core of poverty alleviation. The authors develop a theory with applications to Mexico about how elections shape social programs aimed at aiding the poor. Would political parties possess incentives to target the poor with transfers aimed at poverty alleviation, or would they instead give these to their supporters? Would politicians rely on the distribution of particularistic benefits rather than public goods? The authors assess the welfare effects of social programs in Mexico and whether voters reward politicians for targeted property alleviation programs. The book provides a new interpretation of the role of cash transfers and poverty relief assistance in the development of welfare state institutions.

To purchase the book, click here.

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Cambridge University Press, 2016
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Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Beatriz Magaloni
Federico Estévez
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The Program on Poverty and Governance (PovGov) at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law received a $4.5 million grant from the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs to launch a research project to examine the nature of police corruption in Mexico and make recommendations for reforming that country’s law enforcement institutions.

This new phase of research is expanding on the four-year project that PovGov has led to evaluate the use of police lethal force in Rio de Janeiro’s most dangerous slums. Over the course of three years, the new project will partner with law enforcement in Mexico to professionalize and improve its capacity, while strengthening the rule of law and enhancing transparency in a country rocked by insecurity and violence.

The project is led by PovGov Director and Principal Investigator Beatriz Magaloni together with co-investigator Alberto Diaz-Cayeros. Both have conducted cutting-edge research on crime and violence in Brazil, Mexico, and the United States at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, where they launched the International Crime and Violence Lab.

To read more about the new Mexico project, please click here.

 

 

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Beatriz Magaloni, director of CDDRL's Program on Poverty and Governance (PovGov), and Zaira Razu, a research associate and project manager at PovGov, recently released a piece in Current History on Mexico's ongoing drug war and the rise of violence. Although democratic structures have helped improve certain freedoms throughout the country in the past decade, institutionalized injustice is slowly jeopardizing stability and security for much of the Mexican population.

Click here to read their piece.

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This month Stanford researchers are in one of the largest slums – or favelas – in Latin America to launch the first-of-its kind comprehensive study on the use of body-worn cameras by the military police in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Over 350 police officers will start wearing cameras clipped to their uniforms during their patrols to record interactions with residents. The yearlong Stanford study aims to determine the effects of this technology on reducing lethal violence, as well as other forms of violent interactions with community members.
 
Led by Beatriz Magaloni, associate professor of political science and director of the Program on Poverty and Governance (PovGov) at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, this study comes at a significant moment when police brutality is tearing apart the social fabric in communities worldwide, and body-worn cameras are being tested as a way to curb the excessive use of force by law enforcement officials. A study of this nature has never been conducted in a location characterized by extraordinary levels of violence, and the strong presence of armed criminal groups.
 
“Police-body worn cameras have been adopted in many police departments in the U.S.,” said Magaloni who is also a senior fellow at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. “However, it is not clear how this technology will work in Rio de Janeiro’s context. Even when police officers are instructed to turn on their cameras, we do not know if they will obey. “
 
To evaluate the use of body-worn cameras, Magaloni established a partnership with TASER International, who is supplying 75 cameras for the study, along with the Military State Police of Rio de Janeiro to introduce this technology in the Rocinha favela. Cameras will be assigned randomly in this study to vary the frequency (number of cameras) and the intensity (hours) of the use of the cameras across territorial police units in the favela.
 
Magaloni described the two protocols for the use of body-worn cameras that will be explored in the study.
 
“The first will examine police compliance with the cameras, as some officers will be asked to turn on their cameras during their entire shifts, which is significantly harder to disregard, while others will only turn on their cameras when interacting with citizens, the prevalent practice in the U.S.,” she said.
 
“Second, the research hopes to contribute towards the development of protocols for the processing of the images, which is a huge challenge for police departments everywhere,” said Magaloni. “It will also help to determine which videos should be audited and what strategies commanders and supervisors can follow to deliver feedback to police officers.”
 
Rio de Janeiro’s police are considered one of the deadliest in the world. And while this violence has been decreasing since 2008, distrust between the police and favela residents is at a high after the recent police killing of five unarmed young men in Costa Barros, in Rio’s North zone. At the same time, police are being killed at significantly higher rates, which has only further strained their interactions with residents.
 
Over the past two years, Professor Magaloni and her team at PovGov have been working in partnership with the Military State Police of Rio de Janeiro and the Secretary of Security of Rio de Janeiro to examine the use of lethal force by police officers and the impact of public security efforts in Rio’s favelas. This ongoing relationship has allowed Professor Magaloni unprecedented access to criminal data and police personnel. Detailed analysis of homicide patterns and ammunition usage by police officers, together with the application of surveys and in-depth interviews with police officers and favela residents, have unearthed some of the contextual, individual, and institutional factors that give rise to greater use of deadly force by the police.
 
As the camera study launches this month in Rio de Janeiro, Magaloni and the PovGov team are hopeful that their research will improve theory and science about police behavior, and provide critical feedback to improve measures aimed at reducing police violence in Brazil and beyond.  
 



To learn more about the Program on Poverty and Governance, please visit: povgov.stanford.edu.
 

CONTACT:
Professor Beatriz Magaloni
Stanford Department of Political Science and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
magaloni@stanford.edu
(650) 724-5949

 

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Jóvenes con Porvenir is a public-funded program run by the government of Zapopan. This pioneering policy initiative was designed and implemented in response to the major social and economic challenges affecting young people. The program offers scholarships to young men and women not enrolled in school, so they can attend vocational training courses regardless of their employment status.

The impact evaluation aims to estimate the effect of the program in different aspects of the beneficiaries' professional and personal lives. More specifically, we evaluate the impact of the program on participants' employment and educational outcomes, access to professional networks, and weakening of social bonds to gang groups. In addition, we evaluate whether the program changed students' expectations of the future.

We estimate heterogeneous effects of the program across gender, age, and levels of marginalization. The evaluation also includes an analysis of graduation and reenrollment rates, as well as an assessment of beneficiaries' experiences in the program. Finally, the study provides feedback on the design and implementation of the program for scaling-up purposes.

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International Crime and Violence Lab
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Beatriz Magaloni
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Brenda Jarillo Rabling
Authors
Pui Shiau
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Pilot program was designed to first ground students in the basics of empirical research, then provide an opportunity to apply that knowledge while conducting fieldwork in an international setting.

 

The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI) and Office of International Affairs (OIA) launched a pilot collaboration last year to provide a rigorous, immersive teaching and training program for students interested in international fieldwork.  The result was a program that included a quarter-long course in the spring of 2015 followed by three weeks in Mexico during the summer to design and conduct a field research study. OIA spoke with Frank Wolak, the Holbrook Working Professor of Commodity Price Studies in Economics and Senior Fellow at FSI, to learn more about the project, titled International Field Research Training: Energy Reform in Mexico.

What was the impetus for designing a program for students with a field research component?

While students at Stanford have many opportunities to pursue independent research projects, they rarely have the opportunity to receive first-hand training in conducting interviews, research design and field implementation. With that in mind, we set out to design a program that would carry the students through the basics of empirical research and then give them the opportunity to apply that knowledge under close faculty supervision. Taking students out of the classroom and giving them the opportunity to see textbook methods in action is invaluable.

Our hope is that this training equips the students with the academic and logistical skills they need to execute their own robust research, be that for an honors thesis, a capstone project or an advanced degree.

How did the prerequisite course prepare students for working in the field? 

The Stanford course taught the basics of the design, implementation and interpretation of social science field research. Building on a basic knowledge of statistical methods and economics, the course first introduced observational field research and compared it with experimental field research. Significant attention was devoted to explaining what can and cannot be learned through each type of field research.

Topics covered included sample size selection, power and size of statistical hypothesis tests, sample selection bias and methods for accounting for it. Examples of best practice field research studies were presented as well as examples of commonly committed experimental design and implementation errors. Practical aspects of fieldwork were also covered, including efficient and cost-effective data collection, data analysis, teamwork and common ethical considerations.

After completing the quarter-long course on statistical research methods, the students, under the guidance of the Program on Energy and Sustainable Development's research team, adapted an education-based research intervention for the Mexican electricity sector. The purpose was to see if providing individuals with information about how their energy bill was calculated and simple ways to reduce household electricity consumption would cause household energy bills to go down.

What was a typical day for the students gathering research?

Research was carried out in the city of Puebla, a city of 1.5 million people about 150 kilometers (93 miles) southeast of Mexico City. The Stanford students collaborated with students from the Universidad Popular Autónoma del Estado de Puebla (UPAEP). For the first few days, the students all met at an UPAEP classroom space to design and review the survey tool, making revisions and conducting practice interviews.

Once oriented in Puebla, the students set out daily in research teams to interview randomly selected households in middle-income neighborhoods in Puebla. The students branched out from a central meeting place in teams of three, pairing two Stanford students with one UPAEP student.

In the field, the students all wore nametags and UPAEP baseball caps to make themselves identifiable as surveyors to households. They worked in the field for eight to 10 hours a day, taking about an hour break for lunch. In the first few days, they were able to collect 15-20 surveys a day, but as they became more comfortable with their pitch and knocking on doors, they were able to increase their yield to a high of 44 surveys in one day. At the end of two weeks, they completed over 260 surveys in just 10 days of fieldwork.

The students were also active on social media documenting their daily activities. For more on the student perspective, their activities and impressions of the project, check out their blog on the FSI website. 

What are the benefits for getting in-country field research experience?

There are a variety of situation-specific problems that are hard for any researcher to know fully without being immersed in the field. For example, one of the students' recommendations to improve energy efficiency was to switch household light bulbs from incandescent to compact fluorescents (CFL). This is a valid recommendation in the United States where most people still use incandescent bulbs in their homes, but – surprisingly to the team – most of the people interviewed had already converted to all CFLs in their home.

I was amazed with the students; the level of intellectual curiosity and engagement was impressive with ongoing discussions into the evening at times. The students were not only getting an in-country immersive experience while conducting research, but they were also developing critical thinking skills along the way.

Research aside, the in-country experience gave the students a keen understanding of how local residents live. The methodology employed for gathering data allowed the students to connect with many types of families, ranging from senior citizens living alone to multi-generational families living under one roof. Through direct contact with the community, the students developed an understanding of the local culture and learned local customs. 

Conducting international research at Stanford can be challenging. Where did you turn to for advice on how to structure your activity?

At FSI, we have a great wealth of experiential knowledge on conducting field research all over the world. In addition to consulting with faculty and research managers at FSI, OIA had been enormously helpful in connecting us with resources across campus and facilitating some of the trickier logistics, such as processing stipend payments to our international collaborators and navigating the human subjects approval process. OIA was also able to discern that Puebla was a viable option as a research site.

How would you characterize the success of the pilot program? 

The pilot program exceeded our expectations in the best possible ways. Much of its success was due to the work of Elena Cryst ,'10, program manager for FSI's Global Student Fellows Program, who also accompanied us on our trip. She was an invaluable team leader and organizer and worked tirelessly to ensure that both the research and logistical aspects of the trip ran smoothly.

We will definitely be offering the field research course and research project again. We hope to go to another part of Latin America next, such as Chile or Colombia. We are also still active in Mexico, with three of the students that went on the trip working for us as research assistants this academic year, analyzing the data as it comes in and developing a self-administered online version of the survey instrument with which we hope to reach thousands of households in Puebla.

In addition, Elena will be using our experiences from the Mexico pilot to inform other FSI field research programs in China, Guatemala, India and potentially new sites for next year.

 

This article was originally published in The Stanford Report on October 27, 2015.

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